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In Eastern Europe, the concept of yikhes evolved from a narrow biological meaning of lineage or genealogy to a prestigious trait that could be acquired through marriage based on scholarly merit, wealth, or political status (i.e., holders of rabbinical or communal offices).

Polish Jewry’s intense preoccupation with yikhes stemmed back to developments in the Middle Ages, when the Ḥaside Ashkenaz (pietists) sought to create “pure family units” in protest against what they perceived to be unions of the “bene-tovim [well-born] with the unworthy rich” and the “seizure of communal leadership by the base and wicked.” This insistence on genealogical purity may have been a response to the gradual displacement of the Ḥaside Ashkenaz, who represented the old Rhineland elite, by a meritocratic leadership based on scholarship. In Eastern Europe, the search for social “nobility” revived in the fourteenth century but under different circumstances. Instead of an old elite struggling to maintain its status, it was the newly prosperous stratum, created through socioeconomic transformations in Poland, that sought to legitimize its new status through a link with a noble or famous ancestor.

Concerns about maintaining the purity of yikhes (namely, avoiding unions with tainted families whose members included illegitimate children, converts from Judaism, prostitutes, or excommunicated individuals) also led to an interest in family lineage. Efrayim of Luntshits (Łęczyca; 1550–1619), for instance, once observed that members of the Nadler family who were suspected of such “blemishes” had to provide larger dowries to their daughters to remain competitive in the marriage market. Anxieties about tainted family members naturally increased after the violent pogroms of 1648 due to coerced conversions and rape. Accusations of family impurity could lead to the annulment of a betrothal agreement as well as the destruction of a bride or groom’s reputation and changes of a future match.

During the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, yikhes became an increasingly important criterion in the arrangement of marriages and determination of hierarchical social distinctions. The close nexus between yikhes and Torah scholarship, which had characterized Jewish life in the Middle Ages, became central to matchmaking. In some instances, scholarly achievement alone could serve as a path of upward social mobility; an ‘ilui (Yid., ile; child prodigy) or talented young man from a lowly background could win access to a family with a venerable lineage based on his potential as a distinguished Torah scholar.

Wealth also came to play a significant role in marital considerations for families with yikhes. The practice of “acquiring” yikhes through marriage prompted some religious leaders, including Efrayim of Luntshits and Shemu’el Eli‘ezer Edels (1555–1631) to denounce the rich who purchased their yikhes—a criticism that echoed earlier concerns of the Ḥaside Ashkenaz. The marital alliances between the “well-born,” wealthy communal leaders, and rabbinic families created an exclusive “aristocracy” in PolandLithuania, contributing to a growing gap between rich and poor. For example, the Landau family of Opatów, which included prominent rabbis in at least 20 towns, communal elders, and leaders throughout Poland, retained its influence for almost a century.

Another way to acquire yikhes was through knowledge of magic and practical mysticism. The activities of Yo’el Ba‘al Shem II, who died in the 1750s, were bolstered by his well-known yikhes—a lineage of healers who transmitted amulets and knowledge from generation to generation.

Among Hasidim, yikhes played a central role in establishing leadership and hereditary succession. The Ba‘al Shem Tov, as was true of a number of early leaders, lacked yikhes; however, he married into a prestigious family. Hasidic dynasties generally only chose rebbes from the descendants of their founders. Yisra’el of Ruzhin (1796–1850), despite his lack of education, ascended to his position as rebbe because of his notable yikhes and charisma. To be sure, some rebbes, such as Levi Yitsḥak of Barditshev (Berdichev; ca. 1740–1809), stressed the importance of one’s merit as well as “that of his holy ancestors”; however, in reality, lineage was critical for Hasidic leaders to retain their legitimacy and prestige.

During the imperial Russian period, yikhes remained an important consideration in marital decisions. Yekhezkl Kotik (1847–1921) recalled how his grandfather, Arn Leyzer (who was a communal elder in Kamenets, later the town’s tax collector, and then a leaseholder), “despaired of having his children marry into families of great rabbinical pedigree.” He succeeded, however, in arranging a match for his son Mosheh (Yekhezkl’s father) with Sarah Halevi of Grodno, who traced her lineage back to Ḥayim of Volozhin and the Gaon of Vilna.

The desire to maintain pure yikhes, as well as restrictions on geographic mobility, prompted many Jewish families to resort to marrying relatives or a close circle of acquaintances, especially in small towns in the Pale of Settlement. Starting in the late nineteenth century, Jewish medical reformers castigated these patterns of consanguinity and geographic endogamy, which they claimed made Jews more vulnerable to hereditary diseases and mental illness. Moreover, new expectations of love and companionship in marriage began challenging traditional marital alliances between Talmud scholars and the wealthy elite. Acculturated daughters of respectable families voiced dissatisfaction with their scholarly husbands, who had little knowledge of worldly matters. To address this crisis, Yitsḥak Ya‘akov Reines (1839–1915) proposed creating a modern yeshiva in Lida to acquaint male scholars with “the ways of the world.” Despite the new sciences (especially eugenics and psychiatry) that cited “objective” evidence of the need to reconsider marriages based on yikhes, as well as the rise of love-based marriages, the concept of noble and pure lineage continued to play a significant role in marital considerations in the twentieth century.

Suggested Reading

Saul Bastomsky, “Yihus in the Shtetl and Dignitas in the Late Roman Republic,” Judaism 39.1 (1990): 94–96; Haim Hillel Ben-Sasson, Hagut ve-hanhagah (Jerusalem, 1958/59), pp. 90–110; Glenn Dynner, “‘Men of Silk’: The Hasidic Conquest of Polish Jewry, 1754–1830,” (Ph.D. diss., Brandeis University, 2002), pp. 174–240; ChaeRan Freeze, Jewish Marriage and Divorce in Imperial Russia (Hanover, N.H., 2002); Jacob Katz, “Nisu’im ve-ḥaye ishut be-motsa’e yeme ha-benayim,” Tsiyon (Jerusalem) 10 (1944–1945): 33–48; Haym Soloveitchik, “Three Themes in the Sefer Hasidim,AJS Review 1 (1976): 311–358; Shaul Stampfer, “Heder Study, Knowledge of Torah, and the Maintenance of Social Stratification in Traditional East European Jewish Society,” Studies in Jewish Education 3 (1988): 271–289.